Ivana Bacik’s reply to McDowell’s letter in the Sunday Independent

Sir —
Surprise, surprise. Former PD leader Michael McDowell believes that a proposed gender quota law is unconstitutional.

As one of the very few elected women politicians in Ireland, I read his article (Sunday Independent, November 20, 2011), with interest. As always, he argues his ideological position with energy — but without substance.

He suggests that Eamon Gilmore has promised to publish a bill designed to encourage political parties to nominate women candidates. In fact, Minister for the Environment Phil Hogan has, in line with commitments in the Programme for Government, already published the heads of a bill the Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Bill 2011, which will make particular funding levels for political parties contingent on the party achieving a certain minimum percentage (30%) of candidates of each gender in the next General Election.

This is an entirely modest and reasonable proposal, similar to legislation introduced in over 100 countries internationally. Experience has shown that without some sort of temporary positive action measure like this, the level of women’s representation in politics will not improve.

Ireland is no exception. The Dail has always been at least 85% male — we rank at 79th place in the international listings of women’s parliamentary representation, well below the EU average.

We have never improved that position — in fact our ranking has fallen nearly 40 places since 1990. Clearly, some positive steps need to be taken to address the unrepresentative nature of our parliament.

In 2009, the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice adopted a report I had written which found that this sort of law is one vital measure to ensure greater choice for voters and ultimately greater equality of representation.

Michael McDowell fails to cite any substantive constitutional ground on which this law could be challenged, suggesting only that it might breach the freedom of association. However, this right is very restrictively framed in the Constitution, which specifies that laws may be enacted for the regulation and control in the public interest of its exercise. In other words, even if the legislation were to be challenged, a very strong defence of its adoption in the public interest could be made, based on the facts.

Further, as Mr McDowell himself acknowledges, there is no reference to the ‘political party’ as an institution in the Constitution.

Accordingly it is impossible to argue, as he does, that any political party has any right to any particular level of State funding. The principles governing levels of State funding of political parties have been set down by the legislature in a series of different Acts.

Finally, it is well accepted that this measure is very modest and does not provide for any outcome. It is only an ‘opportunity’ quota. It does not impose in any way on the choice of voters; it expands the choice available to voters who in several constituencies in past elections had no opportunity to support a woman candidate.
This modest proposal deserves support from women and men alike, and I very much look forward to a full and constructive debate on the legislation when it comes before us in the Seanad.
Ivana Bacik,
Seanad Eireann, Dublin 2

Fiona Buckley on Gender Quotas at 50/50 Public Meeting

Fiona Buckley, Department of Government, University College Cork & The 50/50 Group
  • Only 25 of 166 Dáil seats are held by women (15.25%)
  • Ireland occupies 79th position of 133 nation-states in IPU rankings
  • Ireland is in 22nd place amongst 27 EU member states
  • Of 4,744 Dáil seats filled since 1918, only 260 (5.48%) have been occupied by women
  • Only 91 women have been elected to Dáil Éireann since foundation of the State
  • 181 people served in cabinet in Ireland since 1922, 12 (7%) have been women
  • With 15.25% female representation in lower house of parliament, Ireland is behind both world average 19.5 % & European Union average 24% 
  • Seanad  – 18 of 60 seats (30%) are held by women – only 86 women have served in Seanad
  • Women account for 17% of members of local authorities & just 12% of members of regional authorities
  • 86 women out of  564 candidates contested 2011 General Election –  lowest number of women candidates to contest a General Election since 1989
  • In 21 of 43 constituencies –  there are no women TDs 
  • National Women’s Council of Ireland estimated that, at present rate, it will take 370 years before gender parity in political representation is achieved in Ireland
Irish political culture remains embarrassing because of its maleness and the contempt it continues to show towards women” (Diarmuid Ferriter: 2011)

Mary Robinson:
A society that is without the voice and vision of a woman is not less feminine. It is less human.

______________________________________
 Barriers to women’s participation in Irish Politics

There are 5 ‘C’s :

  • Care (childcare & other)
  • Cash
  • Candidate selection
  • Culture
  • Confidence
Do women face discrimination from Irish voters?
No – say White (2006); Buckley, Collins &  Reidy (2007); Marsh & McElroy  (2010);  Buckley & McGing (2011)
But:

  • NWCI survey of 2009 Local Elections – some female candidates subjected to sexist comments
  • O’Kelly (2000) found evidence of bias against women candidates in Irish political parties
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Electoral ‘Gender’ Quotas
  • Act as a process of change & facilitator of women’s political inclusion
  • Compensate for many gendered barriers to accessing political office

    Implementation
  • Constitutional approach (e.g. France, Rwanda)
  • Legislative approach (e.g. Belgium, Spain, Poland, Argentina)
  • Voluntary approach (e.g. Scandinavian countries; Germany)
Application

  • Results /Outcome (Reserve Seats)
  • Nomination (Candidate Selection) –   this is proposed in Ireland
_______________________________
Why Quotas?  Background
  • Legacy of
    (i) historical exclusion  of women from political citizenship (ie suffrage)
    (ii) bias towards traditional gender roles have resulted in women’s under-representation worldwide
    _______________________________

    Quotas – things to consider
Questions about quotas:

Do ‘gender quotas’ work?
  • 17 of the top 20 nations, in terms of women’s political representation, have gender quotas
  • Incremental progress rather than fast-track changes

    How is the quota enforced & monitored?
  • Sanctions for non-compliance must be effective
Financial penalties; list rejections ; disqualifications; strong leadership; monitoring

Are gender quotas democratic/fair?
Liberals say ‘no’ but others say they are compensatory & promote democracy

What about the ‘merit’ debate?
  • Naïve to assume all politicians make it on merit alone
  • What of family dynasties; the ‘GAA’ or ‘celebrity’ candidate; differing access to funding
What about the ‘token’ or ‘quota woman’ debate?
_____________________________
Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Bill 2011
  • Proposes that half of state funding of political parties be contingent on at least 30%  of candidates being women & at least 30% being men
  • Quota to rise to 40% after 7 years
  • Only applies at General Elections.; why not Local Government?
  • Why wait 7 years to raise quota; why not sooner?
  • Why 30% initially; why not  higher?
  • Why a legislative quota now?
  • Lack of progress; static development; Government policy
  • But have other strategies been used? Yes, but these have not been effective (see Claire McGing presentation)
  • Lack of party leadership & commitment
  • Where  will the political parties ‘find’  women candidates?
  • Draw from their membership – Women party members DO exist!!
    Fine Gael: 42%; Labour: 37%;
    FiannaFáil: 34% & Sinn Féin: 24%
  • Head-hunt
  • Change selection processes  – have all- women shortlists at  nomination stage ?
When will we see changes?
Takes at least 3 electoral cycles before an impact on women’s descriptive representation is seen

We must expand the level of female representation from civil to political sphere!!

_____________________________

  • Quotas provide an opportunity structure to facilitate women’s electoral candidacy (access to the ballot paper)
  • Quotas provide voters with greater electoral choice ((i) option to choose between men & women & (ii) between women of different parties
  • Ireland’s record in relation to women’s political representation is a travesty of democracy 

    If not quotas, what is the alternative?     If not now – when?