Gender Quotas: Why are they needed?

Fiona Buckley, Department of Government, University College Cork writes…

Electoral gender quotas are highly controversial & stimulate a considerable amount of debate wherever they are adopted.

Analysis of the gender quota discourse in Ireland & elsewhere reveals that resistance to quotas derives from the liberal concepts of individualism & meritocracy.

  • Objectors consider quotas to be a form of discrimination, & a violation of the principles of fairness, competence & equality of opportunities.
  • Others believe quotas will lead to the selection & election of unqualified individuals who are in politics based solely on their biological sex & not on ability.
  • Liberal opponents suggest representation should be “about representing ideas, not social classes or categories” (Dahlerup, 2006: 10).

Merit & ability arguments assume, naively, that all election candidates make it into politics ‘on their own’.  This is untrue.

“Many candidates experience forms of advantage, whether it is family connections, large personal resources, favour by the party leadership, or, as is specific to Ireland, strong local profile due to GAA connections” (Buckley & McGing, 2011)[i].

These forms of advantage are considered normal – and are rarely questioned.

Politics is not a level-playing pitch.
Scholarly research has identified gendered barriers that prevent fair competition for political office.  These are summarised under the ‘Five Cs’ model as

  • care (childcare or otherwise)
  • culture
  • cash
  • confidence
  • candidate selection

Advocates argue that gender quotas are a compensation for the structural barriers that women face when entering politics. 

Gender quotas touch upon central debates in the theory of representation.  ‘Representation’ is a key concept in the study & practice of politics.  It is about:

  • who represents
  • who is represented
  • what is represented
  • how representation takes place.

Anne Philips’ seminal work The Politics of Presence argues that, as women all over the world have been excluded from representation, this must be taken as the starting point in the discussion of gender quotas & representation, not some abstract debate on the principles of representation[ii].

The continuing under-representation of women in Irish politics is a blight on our democratic record.

Speaking at the Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Women in Politics in September 2009, former TD, Liz O’Donnell pronounced – until we have more women participating in politics is Ireland, ‘our democracy is unfinished[iii].

Legislators would do well to keep this in mind as they work together to finalise the gender quota proposal.

[i] Buckley, Fiona & McGing, Claire (2011) ‘Women and the Election’, in M Gallagher and M. March How Ireland Voted 2011, London: Palgrave

[ii] Phillips, Anne (1995) The Politics of Presence, Oxford: Clarendon Press cited in page 4 of Dahlerup, Drude (2002) ‘Quotas  – A Jump to Equality? The Need for International Comparisons of the Use of Electoral Quotas to obtain Equal Political Citizenship for Women’, a paper presented for a workshop hosted by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Jakarta, Indonesia – http://www.quotaproject.org/CS/CS_Comparative.pdf

[iii] Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Women in Politics (2009) Women’s Participation in Politicshttp://www.oireachtas.ie/documents/committees30thdail/j-justiceedwr/reports_2008/20091105.pdf

 

Ivana Bacik’s reply to McDowell’s letter in the Sunday Independent

Sir —
Surprise, surprise. Former PD leader Michael McDowell believes that a proposed gender quota law is unconstitutional.

As one of the very few elected women politicians in Ireland, I read his article (Sunday Independent, November 20, 2011), with interest. As always, he argues his ideological position with energy — but without substance.

He suggests that Eamon Gilmore has promised to publish a bill designed to encourage political parties to nominate women candidates. In fact, Minister for the Environment Phil Hogan has, in line with commitments in the Programme for Government, already published the heads of a bill the Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Bill 2011, which will make particular funding levels for political parties contingent on the party achieving a certain minimum percentage (30%) of candidates of each gender in the next General Election.

This is an entirely modest and reasonable proposal, similar to legislation introduced in over 100 countries internationally. Experience has shown that without some sort of temporary positive action measure like this, the level of women’s representation in politics will not improve.

Ireland is no exception. The Dail has always been at least 85% male — we rank at 79th place in the international listings of women’s parliamentary representation, well below the EU average.

We have never improved that position — in fact our ranking has fallen nearly 40 places since 1990. Clearly, some positive steps need to be taken to address the unrepresentative nature of our parliament.

In 2009, the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice adopted a report I had written which found that this sort of law is one vital measure to ensure greater choice for voters and ultimately greater equality of representation.

Michael McDowell fails to cite any substantive constitutional ground on which this law could be challenged, suggesting only that it might breach the freedom of association. However, this right is very restrictively framed in the Constitution, which specifies that laws may be enacted for the regulation and control in the public interest of its exercise. In other words, even if the legislation were to be challenged, a very strong defence of its adoption in the public interest could be made, based on the facts.

Further, as Mr McDowell himself acknowledges, there is no reference to the ‘political party’ as an institution in the Constitution.

Accordingly it is impossible to argue, as he does, that any political party has any right to any particular level of State funding. The principles governing levels of State funding of political parties have been set down by the legislature in a series of different Acts.

Finally, it is well accepted that this measure is very modest and does not provide for any outcome. It is only an ‘opportunity’ quota. It does not impose in any way on the choice of voters; it expands the choice available to voters who in several constituencies in past elections had no opportunity to support a woman candidate.
This modest proposal deserves support from women and men alike, and I very much look forward to a full and constructive debate on the legislation when it comes before us in the Seanad.
Ivana Bacik,
Seanad Eireann, Dublin 2