How does Ireland compare with other parliamentary democracies?

These countries have more women in parliament than Ireland: they have more advanced parliamentary democracies?

[Source of this data is Inter-Parliamentary Union from information provided by national parliaments in 2011]

WORLD CLASSIFICATION
Rank Country Lower or single House
Elections Seats* Women % W
1 Rwanda 9 2008 80 45 56.30%
2 Andorra 4 2011 28 15 53.60%
3 Seychelles 9 2011 31 14 45.20%
4 Sweden 9 2010 349 157 45.00%
5 South Africa 1 4 2009 400 178 44.50%
6 Cuba 1 2008 586 253 43.20%
7 Iceland 4 2009 63 27 42.90%
8 Finland 4 2011 200 85 42.50%
9 Norway 9 2009 169 67 39.60%
10 Belgium 6 2010 150 59 39.30%
Netherlands 6 2010 150 59 39.30%
11 Mozambique 10 2009 250 98 39.20%
12 Denmark 9 2011 179 70 39.10%
13 Angola 9 2008 220 85 38.60%
Costa Rica 2 2010 57 22 38.60%
14 Spain 3 2008 350 128 36.60%
15 United Republic of Tanzania 10 2010 350 126 36.00%
16 Uganda 2 2011 375 131 34.90%
17 New Zealand 11 2008 122 41 33.60%
18 Nepal 4 2008 594 197 33.20%
19 Germany 9 2009 622 204 32.80%
20 Ecuador 4 2009 124 40 32.30%
21 Burundi 7 2010 106 34 32.10%
22 Belarus 9 2008 110 35 31.80%
23 The F.Y.R. of Macedonia 6 2011 123 38 30.90%
24 Guyana 8 2006 70 21 30.00%
25 Switzerland 10 2011 200 59 29.50%
26 Timor-Leste 6 2007 65 19 29.20%
27 Trinidad and Tobago 5 2010 42 12 28.60%
28 Austria 9 2008 183 51 27.90%
29 Ethiopia 5 2010 547 152 27.80%
30 Afghanistan 9 2010 249 69 27.70%
31 Portugal 6 2011 230 61 26.50%
South Soudan 8 2011 332 88 26.50%
32 Mexico 7 2009 500 131 26.20%
33 Monaco 2 2008 23 6 26.10%
34 Bolivia 12 2009 130 33 25.40%
35 Iraq 3 2010 325 82 25.20%
36 Sudan 4 2010 346 87 25.10%
37 Lao People’s Democratic Republic 4 2011 132 33 25.00%
38 Australia 8 2010 150 37 24.70%
Canada 5 2011 308 76 24.70%
39 Namibia 11 2009 78 19 24.40%
Viet Nam 5 2011 500 122 24.40%
40 Lesotho 2 2007 120 29 24.20%
41 Lichenstein 2 2009  25  6 24.00%
Poland 10 2011 458 110 24.00%
42 Croatia 11 2007 153 36 23.50%
43 Kyrgyzstan 10 2010 120 28 23.30%
44 Senegal 6 2007 150 34 22.70%
45 Pakistan 2 2008 342 76 22.20%
Singapore 5 2011 90 20 22.20%
46 Mauritania 11 2006 95 21 22.10%
Philippines 5 2010 280 62 22.10%
47 Czech Republic 5 2010 200 44 22.00%
Eritrea 2 1994 150 33 22.00%
United Kingdom 5 2010 650 143 22.00%
Uzbekistan 12 2009 150 33 22.00%
48 Serbia 5 2008 250 54 21.60%
49 Peru 4 2011 130 28 21.50%
50 China 3 2008 2987 637 21.30%
Italy 4 2008 630 134 21.30%
51 Cambodia 7 2008 123 26 21.10%
52 Latvia 9 2011 100 21 21.00%
53 Bulgaria 7 2009 240 50 20.80%
Cape Verde 2 2011 72 15 20.80%
Dominican Republic 5 2010 183 38 20.80%
Malawi 5 2009 192 40 20.80%
54 Nicaragua 11 2006 92 19 20.70%
55 Luxembourg 6 2009 60 12 20.00%
56 Estonia 3 2011 101 20 19.80%
57 Israel 2 2009 120 23 19.20%
58 Lithuania 10 2008 141 27 19.10%
59 El Salvador 1 2009 84 16 19.00%
Tajikistan 2 2010 63 12 19.00%
60 France 6 2007 577 109 18.90%
61 Mauritius 5 2010 69 13 18.80%
Republic of Moldova 11 2010 101 19 18.80%
62 Bangladesh 12 2008 345 64 18.60%
63 Sao Tome and Principe 8 2010 55 10 18.20%
64 Honduras 11 2009 128 23 18.00%
Indonesia 4 2009 560 101 18.00%
65 Kazakhstan 8 2007 107 19 17.80%
66 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 12 2010 23 4 17.40%
67 Greece 10 2009 300 52 17.30%
68 Venezuela 9 2010 165 28 17.00%
69 Turkmenistan 12 2008 125 21 16.80%
United States of America 2 11 2010 434 73 16.80%
70 Bosnia and Herzegovina 10 2010 42 7 16.70%
San Marino 11 2008 60 10 16.70%
71 Albania 6 2009 140 23 16.40%
72 Azerbaijan 11 2010 125 20 16.00%
Slovakia 6 2010 150 24 16.00%
73 Thailand 7 2011 500 79 15.80%
74 Democratic People’s Republic of Korea 3 2009 687 107 15.60%
75 Burkina Faso 5 2007 111 17 15.30%
76 Uruguay 10 2009 99 15 15.20%

Gender Quotas: Why are they needed?

Fiona Buckley, Department of Government, University College Cork writes…

Electoral gender quotas are highly controversial & stimulate a considerable amount of debate wherever they are adopted.

Analysis of the gender quota discourse in Ireland & elsewhere reveals that resistance to quotas derives from the liberal concepts of individualism & meritocracy.

  • Objectors consider quotas to be a form of discrimination, & a violation of the principles of fairness, competence & equality of opportunities.
  • Others believe quotas will lead to the selection & election of unqualified individuals who are in politics based solely on their biological sex & not on ability.
  • Liberal opponents suggest representation should be “about representing ideas, not social classes or categories” (Dahlerup, 2006: 10).

Merit & ability arguments assume, naively, that all election candidates make it into politics ‘on their own’.  This is untrue.

“Many candidates experience forms of advantage, whether it is family connections, large personal resources, favour by the party leadership, or, as is specific to Ireland, strong local profile due to GAA connections” (Buckley & McGing, 2011)[i].

These forms of advantage are considered normal – and are rarely questioned.

Politics is not a level-playing pitch.
Scholarly research has identified gendered barriers that prevent fair competition for political office.  These are summarised under the ‘Five Cs’ model as

  • care (childcare or otherwise)
  • culture
  • cash
  • confidence
  • candidate selection

Advocates argue that gender quotas are a compensation for the structural barriers that women face when entering politics. 

Gender quotas touch upon central debates in the theory of representation.  ‘Representation’ is a key concept in the study & practice of politics.  It is about:

  • who represents
  • who is represented
  • what is represented
  • how representation takes place.

Anne Philips’ seminal work The Politics of Presence argues that, as women all over the world have been excluded from representation, this must be taken as the starting point in the discussion of gender quotas & representation, not some abstract debate on the principles of representation[ii].

The continuing under-representation of women in Irish politics is a blight on our democratic record.

Speaking at the Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Women in Politics in September 2009, former TD, Liz O’Donnell pronounced – until we have more women participating in politics is Ireland, ‘our democracy is unfinished[iii].

Legislators would do well to keep this in mind as they work together to finalise the gender quota proposal.

[i] Buckley, Fiona & McGing, Claire (2011) ‘Women and the Election’, in M Gallagher and M. March How Ireland Voted 2011, London: Palgrave

[ii] Phillips, Anne (1995) The Politics of Presence, Oxford: Clarendon Press cited in page 4 of Dahlerup, Drude (2002) ‘Quotas  – A Jump to Equality? The Need for International Comparisons of the Use of Electoral Quotas to obtain Equal Political Citizenship for Women’, a paper presented for a workshop hosted by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Jakarta, Indonesia – http://www.quotaproject.org/CS/CS_Comparative.pdf

[iii] Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Women in Politics (2009) Women’s Participation in Politicshttp://www.oireachtas.ie/documents/committees30thdail/j-justiceedwr/reports_2008/20091105.pdf