Fiona Buckley on Gender Quotas at 50/50 Public Meeting

Fiona Buckley, Department of Government, University College Cork & The 50/50 Group
  • Only 25 of 166 Dáil seats are held by women (15.25%)
  • Ireland occupies 79th position of 133 nation-states in IPU rankings
  • Ireland is in 22nd place amongst 27 EU member states
  • Of 4,744 Dáil seats filled since 1918, only 260 (5.48%) have been occupied by women
  • Only 91 women have been elected to Dáil Éireann since foundation of the State
  • 181 people served in cabinet in Ireland since 1922, 12 (7%) have been women
  • With 15.25% female representation in lower house of parliament, Ireland is behind both world average 19.5 % & European Union average 24% 
  • Seanad  – 18 of 60 seats (30%) are held by women – only 86 women have served in Seanad
  • Women account for 17% of members of local authorities & just 12% of members of regional authorities
  • 86 women out of  564 candidates contested 2011 General Election –  lowest number of women candidates to contest a General Election since 1989
  • In 21 of 43 constituencies –  there are no women TDs 
  • National Women’s Council of Ireland estimated that, at present rate, it will take 370 years before gender parity in political representation is achieved in Ireland
Irish political culture remains embarrassing because of its maleness and the contempt it continues to show towards women” (Diarmuid Ferriter: 2011)

Mary Robinson:
A society that is without the voice and vision of a woman is not less feminine. It is less human.

______________________________________
 Barriers to women’s participation in Irish Politics

There are 5 ‘C’s :

  • Care (childcare & other)
  • Cash
  • Candidate selection
  • Culture
  • Confidence
Do women face discrimination from Irish voters?
No – say White (2006); Buckley, Collins &  Reidy (2007); Marsh & McElroy  (2010);  Buckley & McGing (2011)
But:

  • NWCI survey of 2009 Local Elections – some female candidates subjected to sexist comments
  • O’Kelly (2000) found evidence of bias against women candidates in Irish political parties
________________________________________
Electoral ‘Gender’ Quotas
  • Act as a process of change & facilitator of women’s political inclusion
  • Compensate for many gendered barriers to accessing political office

    Implementation
  • Constitutional approach (e.g. France, Rwanda)
  • Legislative approach (e.g. Belgium, Spain, Poland, Argentina)
  • Voluntary approach (e.g. Scandinavian countries; Germany)
Application

  • Results /Outcome (Reserve Seats)
  • Nomination (Candidate Selection) –   this is proposed in Ireland
_______________________________
Why Quotas?  Background
  • Legacy of
    (i) historical exclusion  of women from political citizenship (ie suffrage)
    (ii) bias towards traditional gender roles have resulted in women’s under-representation worldwide
    _______________________________

    Quotas – things to consider
Questions about quotas:

Do ‘gender quotas’ work?
  • 17 of the top 20 nations, in terms of women’s political representation, have gender quotas
  • Incremental progress rather than fast-track changes

    How is the quota enforced & monitored?
  • Sanctions for non-compliance must be effective
Financial penalties; list rejections ; disqualifications; strong leadership; monitoring

Are gender quotas democratic/fair?
Liberals say ‘no’ but others say they are compensatory & promote democracy

What about the ‘merit’ debate?
  • Naïve to assume all politicians make it on merit alone
  • What of family dynasties; the ‘GAA’ or ‘celebrity’ candidate; differing access to funding
What about the ‘token’ or ‘quota woman’ debate?
_____________________________
Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Bill 2011
  • Proposes that half of state funding of political parties be contingent on at least 30%  of candidates being women & at least 30% being men
  • Quota to rise to 40% after 7 years
  • Only applies at General Elections.; why not Local Government?
  • Why wait 7 years to raise quota; why not sooner?
  • Why 30% initially; why not  higher?
  • Why a legislative quota now?
  • Lack of progress; static development; Government policy
  • But have other strategies been used? Yes, but these have not been effective (see Claire McGing presentation)
  • Lack of party leadership & commitment
  • Where  will the political parties ‘find’  women candidates?
  • Draw from their membership – Women party members DO exist!!
    Fine Gael: 42%; Labour: 37%;
    FiannaFáil: 34% & Sinn Féin: 24%
  • Head-hunt
  • Change selection processes  – have all- women shortlists at  nomination stage ?
When will we see changes?
Takes at least 3 electoral cycles before an impact on women’s descriptive representation is seen

We must expand the level of female representation from civil to political sphere!!

_____________________________

  • Quotas provide an opportunity structure to facilitate women’s electoral candidacy (access to the ballot paper)
  • Quotas provide voters with greater electoral choice ((i) option to choose between men & women & (ii) between women of different parties
  • Ireland’s record in relation to women’s political representation is a travesty of democracy 

    If not quotas, what is the alternative?     If not now – when?


Guest Post: Reform Galore – How are the Parties proposing to achieve Gender Balance?

By Claire McGing (Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences (IRCHSS) scholar, NUI Maynooth)

On behalf of Claiming our Future (http://www.claimingourfuture.ie/)
 
The same figures are thrown around again and again. Women have held only 5% of Dáil seats since the foundation of the state. 23 women sat in the 30th Dáil, amounting to a figure of 13.8% and placed us in a global position of 84th in terms of female parliamentary representation, alongside Cameroon (IPU, 2011). At the current rate of (or lack of) progress, it will take approximately 370 years before we achieve a 50:50 gender balance in parliament. We’ve heard it all before.
 
Some newer figures that you might not have heard of: only 15.2% of candidates (a pathetic 86 out of 566) running this Friday are female. While numerically this is an increase of 4 on the 2007 figure, it actually represents a percentage decrease of -2.2%. Percentage wise, there are fewer women running in 2011 than there was in the last four general elections. While all constituencies have at least 5 male candidates, voters in four constituencies will have no women on their ballot papers at all. The average number of male candidates per constituency is 11. For women it is only 2. Looking at the parties themselves, 14.7% of Fianna Fáil candidates are female (+1.6% from 2007), with a figure of 15.4% emerging for Fine Gael candidates (-1.1%). Labour is running 26.5% women (+4.5%), the Greens 18.6% (-6.4%) and Sinn Féin 19.5% (-4.9%). There are no women running for any of these parties in nine constituencies (21% of total). In the Independents/Others category, women make up 10.6% of candidates (-2.2%).
 
We are well aware as to why female political participation is so low because we have had no shortage of perfectly adequate reports published on it, along with a growing body of academic research. The ‘five C’s’ or challenges that women face in their pursuit for political office (as originally noted by the Oireachtas sub-committee on Women’s Participation in Politics, 2009) have been discussed at length. Childcare responsibilities are still disproportionably placed on Irish women. They have less cash than men. They are less confident about seeking a nomination to run because they lack visible role models and because they feel alienated by the highly masculine culture of politics. Women often find it more difficult to come through the candidate selection process as a result of these other challenges. These are facts and backed up by realms of research, in both an Irish and international setting.
 
Given the depressing lack of women being put forward yet again, how are the various political parties proposing to achieve a better balance between the genders in future elections? Encouragingly, all the main political parties have set out some kind of proposal in their manifestos and/or political reform documents as to how they would deal with the issue. We are at least seeing evidence of a process of equality rhetoric – a public acceptance that the lack of women in decision-making is a problem that needs to be addressed (Lovenduski, 2005).
 
While Labour, the Greens and Sinn Féin are all proposing mandatory electoral gender quotas which would oblige parties to put forward a certain percentage of female candidates (both Labour and the Greens tie this requirement to public funding), Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are much vaguer in their solutions. In conjunction with the use of a mixed-member proportional electoral system, Fianna Fáil would introduce measures to “favour gender balance within the national list”. What does this entail? Although unclear, their proposal most likely relates to the use of a ‘placement mandate’ provision. These are provisions requiring that a certain percentage of women are placed in certain positions on a party list. For example, every second candidate might be a woman. The party almost certain to lead the next government, Fine Gael, are proposing to give the issue to a Citizen’s Assembly, “to make recommendations as to how the number of women in politics can be increased”.
 
We need strong action now if we want to see a better gender balance in the future. While other democracies introduce reform measures to better facilitate the participation of women, Ireland is still thinking and talking about it. Claiming our Future are calling on the parties which form the new Government to include in their Programme for Government a commitment to increase the proportion of women in politics. This should, at a minimum, include new legislation so that full public funding under the Electoral Acts is only available to parties which select no more than two-thirds of their candidates from one gender.
 
Claiming our Future have set up an online petition. Be sure to sign it if you feel strongly about this and want to see a ballot paper that better reflects society in the 2016 general election.